The Rockefeller Century: From Oil Monopoly to the Invention of Modern Philanthropy
English edition · Adapted from the Chinese original
He was the first billionaire in American history, and he counted pennies to the end. In his last years, John D. Rockefeller worked his own vegetable garden, tallied his daily expenses as he had since boyhood, and pressed a shiny coin into the palm of every child who came to call. The press adored the white-bearded old man and his coins, which was the point: the image was carefully staged. But it was not false advertising. The habits it dramatized — thrift, bookkeeping, the small ritual gift — were the true machinery of the Rockefeller fortune, and they would carry it through an antitrust breakup, a massacre, a depression, and dilution among more than 250 heirs. Across a century and a half, the family’s run from oil monopoly to the invention of modern philanthropy is less a story about money than a story about method.
A Ledger Called A
Rockefeller was born in 1839 in upstate New York, to a household that supplied both halves of his character. His father, William, was a wandering, disreputable figure — a patent-medicine man, seldom home and never dependable. His mother, Eliza, was a devout Baptist who taught her son that a tenth of whatever he earned belonged to the church. The father’s absence made the boy responsible early; the mother’s tithe planted the conviction that wealth arrives freighted with obligation — a formula the family would repeat for generations.
The boy kept accounts. Every cent, in and out, went into a small notebook he titled Ledger A. At seventeen he found his first job, assistant bookkeeper at a small Cleveland firm, at a starting wage of fifty cents; within months he had risen to cashier and chief bookkeeper. At nineteen he went into business with a partner, dealing in dry goods and grain, and the firm turned over $450,000 in its first year. He credited none of it to brilliance. “What matters is not how much you think you know,” he liked to say, “but how well you keep what others tell you.”
Ninety Percent of Everything
In the 1860s, oil fever swept Pennsylvania; kerosene was about to light the world. Rockefeller judged petroleum a strategic resource that would remake the future, and in 1863 he sank his entire savings into a refinery in Cleveland, Ohio. Managed with obsessive cost control, it became the city’s largest within two years. In 1870, at thirty, he and his brother William, with several partners, incorporated Standard Oil at a capitalization of $1 million.
What followed was a masterclass in scale and vertical integration. Standard cut waste to keep margins fat, then bought its rivals one by one; within two years it held virtually every refinery in Cleveland. It negotiated preferential railroad contracts, bought up pipelines and terminal yards, and, where a competitor might one day lay pipe, bought the strategic land first. From wellhead to lamp, Standard handled everything itself. By century’s end it controlled roughly 90 percent of American refining and pipeline transport, and in 1916 its founder became the first man in the country’s history worth a billion dollars.
His age called such men robber barons, and Rockefeller drew special heat: his methods were condemned as ruthless, destructive of fair competition — harmful, one charge ran, to America and to American capitalism itself. Congress answered with the Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890; in 1892 Ohio’s supreme court ordered the trust’s in-state operations dissolved. Rockefeller complied on paper, steering the nominally independent pieces through shareholdings and friendly boards, and in 1901 audaciously tried to reassemble them into a single holding company. The government came back, and in 1911 the U.S. Supreme Court ordered Standard Oil broken into 34 separate firms. For the founder, in his seventies, it was a heavy blow — until the twist: the pieces proved worth more than the whole, shares of the successor companies soared past the old trust’s combined value, and the man the government had defeated ended up richer than ever.
The Gospel of Organized Giving
Rockefeller understood reputation, and he had never forgotten his mother’s teaching that a rich man must not die holding his fortune but spend it doing good. From his earliest working years he gave a fixed share of income to church and charity; as the fortune compounded, so did the giving. In the 1890s his money effectively created the University of Chicago — an initial endowment of more than $600,000 to the Baptist-founded school, and cumulative gifts that passed $35 million by the 1910s, over a billion in today’s terms — on the strict condition that the name Rockefeller appear nowhere on campus. “The University of Chicago was essentially founded on Rockefeller’s own money in the 1890s,” as the historian Michael Cox put it. In 1901 he established the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, the future Rockefeller University; in 1902, the General Education Board.
Around 1910, with his personal assets nearing a billion dollars, a friend warned him that the fortune was growing too fast — plan now, or it would crush his descendants. The answer was organization. In 1913 he chartered the richly endowed Rockefeller Foundation, guided by Frederick Gates, a former Baptist minister who argued that scattering money among individuals and churches would never touch the deep sources of misery — poverty, ignorance, disease, discrimination. Under Gates, alms became strategy: universities, medical institutes, public health, run with a businessman’s discipline — the template every great fortune since has copied.
The private man stayed plain. He married Laura Spelman in 1864 and raised four daughters and a son; his houses were handsome, never palaces — conspicuous restraint in the Gilded Age. Henry Kissinger would later remark, “I have never seen a playboy in the Rockefeller family.” Rockefeller lived on investment income, never principal, taught his children the same, and flinched even at his own name in lights: when his son proposed calling a new Manhattan complex Rockefeller Center, the old man found the display showy and faintly distasteful. He died in 1937, at ninety-seven.
The Fire at Ludlow
John D. Rockefeller Jr. — born in 1874, the only son among five children — was raised on ledgers, hand-me-downs, and duty. He graduated from Brown in 1897 and entered the family business just as Standard Oil came under its fiercest public attack; the gentle, inward young man hated every minute. In 1901 he married Abby Aldrich, daughter of Senator Nelson Aldrich, and before long, disenchanted with commerce, left it for philanthropy.
Then came the catastrophe. At the family-controlled Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, some 9,000 miners and their families struck against low pay and wretched conditions. Management refused to yield. On April 20, 1914, private guards and National Guard troops fired on the strikers and torched their tent colony; more than forty people died, eleven of them children. The Ludlow Massacre put Junior — the company’s principal shareholder — before Congress and before a public that judged him complicit in murder. He was forty, and the family’s name had never sunk lower.
His response remade the house. He hired Ivy Lee, the pioneer of modern public relations — a textbook case of the craft. He engaged William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Canadian labor authority and future prime minister, to design the “Rockefeller Plan,” which gave miners elected representatives and welfare programs without an outside union: a novelty then, and a real concession. Above all, he adopted as a family motto the biblical warning that from those to whom much is given, much will be required.
The rest of his life was repair by construction. Tens of millions went into Rockefeller Center, rising through the Depression and giving work to 75,000 people — hailed at the time as the project that gave New York hope. He bought Manhattan riverfront land and donated it in 1946 as the site of the new United Nations headquarters. He restored Colonial Williamsburg to its eighteenth-century face, backed affordable housing in New York’s poor districts, and gave the Metropolitan Museum its medieval Cloisters collection. Abby, his match in conviction, co-founded the Museum of Modern Art in 1929, with family land and money sustaining it. Junior’s public Creed distilled the house philosophy: “I believe that every right implies a responsibility; every opportunity, an obligation; every possession, a duty.”
Five Brothers, Five Kingdoms
Junior and Abby raised six children — a daughter, Abby, called Babs, and five sons: John D. 3rd, born 1906; Nelson, 1908; Laurance, 1910; Winthrop, 1912; David, 1915. The training was famous. Twenty-five cents a week in allowance — “the rest we had to earn,” Nelson remembered; “we always worked” — account books balanced monthly, a tenth saved and a tenth given away, pocket money earned growing vegetables and raising rabbits on the estate. Teenage sons were sent to the bottom of the ladder: Winthrop went from high school to the family’s Texas oil fields as a driller’s apprentice. And one unwritten rule barred family members from soliciting one another for their pet charities — money was not to be allowed to complicate love.
The five made strikingly different lives. John 3rd, the reserved eldest, turned toward Asia and the wider world: he founded the Population Council in 1952, the Asia Society in 1956, and was the prime mover of Lincoln Center; a car accident killed him in 1978. Nelson — who as a boy announced he would be president — ran Rockefeller Center, built the Museum of Primitive Art (its collection later entered the Met in memory of his son Michael, lost on a New Guinea expedition in 1961), served four terms as governor of New York from 1959 to 1973, and became the country’s forty-first vice president in 1974 under Gerald Ford. The presidency itself, chased through failed Republican primary runs in 1960, 1964, and 1968, eluded him. Laurance became a founding father of venture capital, backing hundreds of startups in electronics, aviation, computing, and biotechnology — by some accounts an early investor in Intel and Apple — while buying land for national parks from Wyoming to Hawaii; Grand Teton owes much of its existence to him. He died in 2004 at ninety-four. Winthrop, hardened by the oil fields and the war, moved to Arkansas, built a model cattle ranch in 1953, and as governor from 1967 to 1971 gave the state its first minimum wage and a freedom-of-information law; cancer took him in 1973. David, the youngest, earned a Chicago economics doctorate, enlisted as a private and left the Army a captain, and joined Chase National Bank in 1946 under open suspicion of nepotism — his uncle chaired the board — which he answered by riding the subway to work and outworking everyone. As Chase’s sole chief executive from 1969 to his retirement in 1981, he took the bank from 11 foreign branches to 73, made it the first American bank into China and the Soviet Union, brought in Peter Drucker, and grew assets from $4.8 billion to $76.2 billion — “a banker’s banker.” He founded the Trilateral Commission, chaired the Council on Foreign Relations, helped plan the World Trade Center, and died in 2017 at 101, remembered as America’s last aristocratic capitalist. Babs, the quiet sister, endowed the Greenacre Foundation in 1968 and gave New York a pocket park.
The Machinery of Continuity
Behind the careers stood an architecture. After the breakup, the family remained a large shareholder in the successor oil companies — Exxon, Mobil, Chevron — and converted operating control into managed capital. The founder created his first family trust in 1934, held at Chase; in 1952 came the great dynasty trusts, spanning stocks, real estate, energy, technology, private equity, and philanthropic funds — professionally managed, sheltered from estate taxes, and replenished by life-insurance proceeds at each generation’s passing. The rule of living on distributions, never principal, did the rest.
The soft machinery mattered as much. The Rockefeller Brothers Fund, created by the five in 1940, was formally a charity and functionally a family council — its 1950s “Prospect for America” studies rippled through business and government — and the Rockefeller Family Fund of 1967 was explicitly a school where the fourth and fifth generations learned trusteeship: evaluating grants, adopting then-marginal causes like the environment and women’s rights, filling two non-voting “visiting seats” on the Brothers Fund board. The whole clan gathers twice a year — June at the Pocantico estate in the Hudson Valley, Christmas lunch in New York, often a hundred strong — and at twenty-one each member, in-laws included, is formally welcomed into the family forum. Every trust beneficiary writes regular letters to the trustees showing how the money served four purposes in balance: investment, savings, spending, philanthropy. When the sixties generation clashed with its elders over war, capitalism, and the environment — some elders even proposed spending out the foundations and closing shop — the family argued its way to evolution rather than rupture.
What Remains
The fourth generation scattered further into public life. “Jay” Rockefeller IV, born in 1937, left New York for poor, coal-mined West Virginia, served as its governor from 1976 to 1984, and then spent thirty years in the U.S. Senate, a Democrat known for pragmatism. Winthrop Jr. was Arkansas’s lieutenant governor from 1996 to 2006; Steven became a professor of religion and a steward of the Earth Charter; David’s daughter Peggy Dulany works in philanthropy, his granddaughter Ariana in fashion. The name now appears more often on museums, parks, and causes than on corporations.
The money, meanwhile, has done what money does across seven generations: divided and diffused. The clan numbers more than 250; estimates from 2024 put its combined net worth at $8 to $11 billion, spread among seventy-odd — by some counts more than 170 — heirs. Set against the founder’s fortune, worth anywhere from twenty-odd billion to more than $400 billion in today’s terms depending on the yardstick, it is a remnant. Set against the fate of its peers, it is a triumph. The Vanderbilts, richer sooner, raced through their money in mansions and parties; at that family’s first reunion, in 1973, not a single millionaire remained among them. Carnegie gave his fortune away and left no dynasty at all; the du Ponts fell to infighting; the Astors scattered. The Rockefellers converted a fortune into a system — trusts against division, philanthropy against idleness, forums against estrangement — and kept it. Venrock still ventures; the family office founded in 1882 became Rockefeller Capital Management in 2018, an ancestor of modern private banking; Rockefeller Center’s majority stake was sold to Mitsubishi Estate in 1989 — briefly a symbol of old money’s ebb — and later returned to American hands. In this century the Brothers Fund divested from fossil fuels in favor of clean energy: the founder’s own industry, renounced by his heirs as a matter of values.
That, in the end, is the estate. “God gave me my money,” the old man said, and with it a duty to use it as conscience directed. A century and a half on, the family’s real bequest is not the billions but the discipline that outlived them — proof, as the commentator Mort Zuckerman put it, that the Rockefellers passed on not just wealth but values, and that this was the truly remarkable achievement. Fortunes get spent. The ledger of what a fortune is for is the only balance that compounds.